One way of measuring the current miserable state of the Republican Party is to note that in the past 10 weeks, 55 years of Republican seniority in the House of Representatives were wiped out in three special elections.
Another gauge is that President Bush's 31 percent job approval score in this month's Post poll is one of the lowest ever recorded for a chief executive.
However one measures it, this is surely the springtime of the GOP's discontent -- a condition that led one Capitol Hill Republican to say, "Thank God we've still got almost six months until Election Day."
There's no telling what may happen between now and Nov. 4, but we know that John McCain is bucking a powerful head wind as he seeks the White House, while Barack Obama (or maybe Hillary Clinton) can enjoy at least a favorable breeze.
The situation is reminiscent of 1980. Six months before that election, it was evident that the country had grown weary of Jimmy Carter and his administration. What remained to be determined was the degree of comfort voters felt with Ronald Reagan as his successor. Would Reagan be seen as a B-movie actor and TV host, peddling eccentric and maybe dangerous notions, or as someone who had governed California successfully for eight years and could restore some sanity to a dysfunctional Washington? Once he delivered
the necessary reassurances, the election was over.
The threshold for Obama now is no higher than what Reagan faced, but the mental exercise of placing Obama in the Oval Office requires more imagination than did moving Reagan from the silver screen to Pennsylvania Avenue. Obama's name, his face, his whole biography are precedent-setting. People need time to adjust. That's the reason it has been a mistake for him to all but avoid campaigning before skeptical voters in West Virginia and Kentucky. He has to earn the trust of voters such as those -- and he can't postpone that effort until the fall.
If he can make it past the credibility threshold, as Reagan did, a happy prospect awaits him. The voters clearly are ready to expand the Democratic numbers in the House and Senate.
The special-election victories in recent congressional races have toppled one Republican stronghold after another: Louisiana and Mississippi districts that had been Republican for 33 and 13 years, respectively; and former speaker Dennis Hastert's seat in Illinois, which had gone Democratic only once in the past 50 years.
House Minority Leader John Boehner called the Mississippi race last week "a wake-up call" to all his embattled flock, but it seems more like a nightmare to many of them, portending large losses in November.
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